A coalition government in New Caledonia, a French territory in the Pacific has collapsed after pro-independence politicians resigned, citing persistent economic issues and unrest over the sale of nickel assets.
Decolonisation
Activism and protests marked West Papua’s 50th anniversary last year of the so-called Act of Free Choice, which formalised Indonesia’s control over the territory, with the region’s people once again demanding independence from Indonesia.
In January 2019, West Papuan activists delivered a petition to the United Nation (UN) demanding a referendum on West Papuan independence.
Six months later, protests broke out after Indonesian police arrested 43 West Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java. Footage of the arrests showed Indonesian soldiers racially abusing the indigenous Papuan students.
Protesters took to the streets in the months following the incident, demanding an end to racial discrimination against West Papuans within the Indonesian state and calling for a referendum on independence for the territory.
These recent protests build upon a long history of Papuan activism in response to Indonesian government repression, racism and denial of West Papuan desires for independence.
As early as the 1960s, West Papuan nationalists argued for their right to independence – under the UN’s 1960 Declaration on Decolonisation – following the renouncement of Dutch control over Indonesia. However, they ultimately failed.
My recently published paper argues this failure was in part due to international political dynamics, which sabotaged West Papuans’ attempts to ride the waves of decolonisation efforts by Asian and African countries throughout the 1940s to the 1960s.
Why West Papua failed in international forums
In the 1960s, West Papuan activists attempted to link their decolonisation campaign to earlier struggles for independence across Asia and Africa. Triggered by instability during the post-war era, colonial countries in Asia and Africa formed connections to end colonialism.
At the UN, West Papuan activists sought the support of African delegates who they believed were likely allies. They argued West Papua and Africa shared a history of racial oppression and a desire to see the end of colonialism in all its forms.
While African leaders were sympathetic to the cause of West Papuan activists, they were already committed to the Non-Aligned Movement led by Indonesia.
This bloc supported Afro-Asian solidarity and committed leaders not to interfere in the affairs of other nations. It protected them from intervention by their former European colonial powers and from the raging Cold War politics, as they didn’t take side between the US and the Soviet Union.
Contrary to the name, the Non-Aligned Movement didn’t advocate keeping out of the Cold War, but aimed to use its alliance of Afro-Asian nations to exploit Cold War tensions for Third World aims.
Indonesia, for example, made deals with the United States promising access to mine gold and copper in Papua. Indonesia turned down Soviet aid, while also using the Afro-Asian bloc at the UN to gain support for its control of West Papua.
The Cold War improved opportunities for nations already committed to power blocs. But for the West Papuans, newcomers to international politics, it was another barrier to entry into the international community.
Afro-Asian connections had begun to solidify in the 1950s and Indonesia’s prominence within the alliance prohibited Papuan involvement.
By the time Papuan activists entered the political arena in the 1960s, Indonesia had already developed its Cold War strategy.
Alone, isolated and continuously repressed
West Papuans were denied independence also because the UN system failed to heed their calls and instead placed appeasing Indonesia above its commitment to decolonisation and human rights.
After an interim period of UN administration, the Netherlands and Indonesia signed an agreement to transfer control of West Papua to Indonesia in 1962. The agreement included a provision requiring Indonesia to consult the population of West Papua on whether or not they wanted to remain part of the republic.
After intense campaigning by West Papuans, Indonesia finally announced it would conduct this act of self-determination in 1969. Yet when the referendum came, Papuans were once again denied a voice in the future of the territory.
As the UN was excluded from most of the process, Indonesia went unchallenged in allowing just over 1,000 hand-picked individuals to vote on behalf of the entire West Papuan population. Under this rigged system, the men unsurprisingly voted in favour of becoming part of Indonesia.
At the UN General Assembly meeting to ratify the Act of Free Choice, many African representatives were unwilling to back it without debate as they believed it undermined the UN’s principles of decolonisation.
They highlighted the hypocrisy of establishing the Non-Aligned Movement with the explicit aim of opposing colonialism and then allowing Indonesia to set up colonial-style rule in West Papua.
Despite this debate, no delegate was willing to vote against Indonesia.
The assembly voted to accept the Act of Free Choice as it was – in a vote of 84 to 0 with 30 abstentions – noting that it fulfilled the requirements and UN responsibilities of the agreement.
While the West Papuans had convinced African leaders of their desire for self-government and the unjust nature of Indonesia’s control, the African representatives were unwilling to openly vote against Indonesia and break their alliance in the Afro-Asian bloc.
To stand against Indonesia would endanger their political standing and protection in the international community. Delegates instead chose to abstain.
Will West Papua have another chance?
Several factors have changed in the international community since the 1960s.
The changes include an increase in membership of leaders from the Pacific and the recognition of rights for indigenous peoples.
Yet the preference of UN delegates to value state sovereignty over justice and equality remains the same.
Whether the activists can gain support for a referendum will depend upon their abilities to turn the tide of politics at the UN.
Current West Papuan activists have gained support from Pacific leaders and had success with officials from the UK.
However, they still need to win significant support from African and Asian delegates to tip the power balance in their favour.
As in 1969, world leaders would do well to listen to the voices of Papuan activists as choosing to ignore their calls will have dire consequences for West Papuans in Indonesia. In the words of the International Labour Organisation, “If you desire peace, cultivate justice.”
—
Emma Kluge, PhD Candidate, Department of History, University of Sydney
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
International Court of Justice and the Chagos Archipelago Advisory Opinion
Vanuatu Daily Post – On 25 February 2019, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered a resounding Advisory Opinion on the legality of the UK’s administration of the Chagos Islands as part of the British Indian Overseas Territory, finding that the UK’s administration of the islands is a continuing unlawful act, that the UK has an obligation to bring to an end its administration of the Chagos Islands “as rapidly as possible” and that all member States must cooperate with the UN to complete the decolonisation of Mauritius.
In order to bring the Advisory Opinion to the Court, Vanuatu voted in favour of a resolution at the UN General Assembly to refer the question concerning the legality of the UK’s administration of the Chagos Islands to the ICJ. The Prime Minister of Mauritius, Pravind Kumar Jugnauth, then wrote to Prime Minister of Vanuatu Charlot Salwai in early 2018 requesting Vanuatu to make oral submissions in the ICJ case in support of Mauritius. Vanuatu agreed, appearing before the Court last year for the first time since independence. Ultimately, Vanuatu’s oral submissions were almost entirely reflected in the findings of the ICJ in this historic Advisory Opinion.
The issue at stake in this case was whether the United Kingdom’s division of its former colony into two separate territories, Mauritius and the Chagos Islands, ensured that the people living in the Chagos Islands were able to exercise their right to self-determination. The UK divided Mauritius, a colonial territory, in 1965 in order to lease the main island of the Chagos Islands – Diego Garcia – to the United States for its military purposes. Diego Garcia is a key strategic military base for the US and UK. As a consequence of this lease, which has been repeatedly renewed, the UK forcibly removed all the inhabitants of all of the islands of the Chagos Islands from their homes and sent them to Mauritius and other locations. They have never been allowed to return. The ICJ was asked by the United Nations General Assembly whether these actions were lawful under international law.
The ICJ had three issues to decide. First, whether it would accept the request by the General Assembly to give an Advisory Opinion. Second, whether there was a rule of international law that protected the Chagossian’s right to self-determination in 1965. Third, if so, whether there were implications for the UK’s current administration of the Chagos Islands as part of the British Indian Overseas Territory.
Vanuatu supported the position of Mauritius, along with a number of small island states and the African Union, because the facts in this case raised broader issues affecting many other States around the world, including in the Asia-Pacific region. In particular, Vanuatu argued that international law protected the rights of the Chagossians to freely and genuinely decide their future – i.e. their right to self-determination – and that the fact of this case showed that the Chagossians had so far been deprived of that right. Vanuatu has long taken a principled position on the right to self-determination, including with respect of East Timor and West Papua. Its action is also consistent with the words of Father Walter Lini, the first Prime Minister of an independent Vanuatu:
“[The] Pacific is one of the last regions of the world where the heavy hand of colonialism continues to be played. […] These remnants of the past must be lifted from our ocean, for, in all truth, and as I have remarked before, until all of us are free, none of us are.”
Vanuatu was among a number of states which made their first appearance before the Court, in recognition of the importance of this case and for the right to self-determination. The African Union, Botswana, Kenya and Zambia also appeared for the first time.
After the hearings in September 2018, Foreign Minister of Vanuatu, Ralph Regenvanu, said Mauritius was “thrilled” with Vanuatu’s submissions and reported that Prime Minister of Mauritius Jugnauth – who was in Court observing the proceedings and who personally congratulated the Vanuatu delegation – called Vanuatu’s oral intervention “one of the best of the week”.
After the historic decision of the Court this week, Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu said:
“Vanuatu appeared in this case to have a voice on the international stage to clarify the right to self-determination – and the International Court of Justice has listened. Vanuatu has long been committed to standing up for self-determination and to ending colonisation, wherever it occurs – including in our own region. Vanuatu is pleased to have supported Mauritius and the African Union in this case. The principles set down by the ICJ in this case will contribute to the resolution of ongoing disputes beyond the Chagos Islands, including in our negotiations with France over Matthew and Hunter Islands, and for the people of West Papua. We reiterate that all States have the obligation to refrain from any action that deprives people of their right to self-determination.”
Vanuatu was represented in these proceedings by Professor Robert McCorquodale of Brick Court Chambers, Jennifer Robinson of Doughty Street Chambers, Nicola Peart of Three Crowns LLP, and Mr. Noah Patrick Kouback, Permanent Mission of Vanuatu in Geneva.
New Zealand Foreign Affairs Minister, Winston Peters says his country recognizes West Papua as a part of Indonesia.
He made this comment when asked about New Zealand’s stand on the West Papua issue where Vanuatu is spearheading efforts in support of West Papua, during his recent visit to Port Vila.
“If you were the examine the economic and social condition of West Papua per capita as opposed to PNG, even PNG would acknowledge that their (West Papua) performance is higher than PNG’s.
“PNG is the neighbor of West Papua.
“And I think as a Polynesian, or Melanesian or Pacific concept, the first person I’d be consulting on an issue like that is the nearest neighbor to the issue that might be the problem, namely PNG.
“So all I was trying to say is let’s not underestimate the emotional sincereity of the Vanuatu people’s feeling on the issue but never at the same time overlook how deeply concerning this issue is to the nearest neighbor, Papua New Guinea,” Mr Peters said.
He continues that the Indonesian Government should be worked with to look at its programs of improving the lives of its people.
“But what we do not want, surely is to have PNG, that is soon to put on APEC, having all this anxieties of being condemned by its own kin, namely fellow Melanesian countries.
“We are from the most southern part of Polynesia, New Zealand, but we see it that way, in a sense.
“Our job is to try to facilitate at ease a longterm comfort with this issue where the people concern in this issue, people of West Papua, where their conditions are improved.
Mr Peters says New Zealand is dreading very carefully on handling this issue.
The Minister was responding to a question raised by Kizzy Kalsakau from 96 Buzz FM on New Zealand’s stand on West Papua.
Vanuatu is the only country in the world that has been in the forefront of this issue in the past to see fellow Melanesians gain political freedom and the stand has been supported recently by other countries in the Pacific.
Source: Daily Post Vanuatu
The Fiji opposition leader, Ro Teimumu Kepa, says the government has to stop its betrayal of the people of West Papua.
Ro Teimumu said Vanuatu had taken a courageous decision to seek freedom for the West Papuans through the UN and Fiji and other regional governments should demonstrate solidarity with this cause.
She said she saluted Vanuatu prime minister, Charlot Salwai, for showing real leadership, and for being a true Melanesian brother to the West Papuan people.
Ro Teimumu said a SODELPA-led government would put its weight behind West Papua.
She said Fiji’s leader Frank Bainimarama was an outspoken advocate for Melanesian unity but he is stabbing the indigenous Melanesian people of West Papua in the back by refusing to support their quest for independence.
Source: Radio New Zealand
A West Papua support group in New Zealand is calling on Pacific leaders to support Vanautu’s push for the Indonesian region to be included on the UN’s decolonisation list.
West Papua Action Auckland said leaders attending next week’s Pacific Islands Forum summit in Nauru must back Vanuatu’s draft resolution when it is raised by prime minister Charlot Salwai.
The activist group said the so-called ‘Act of Free Choice’ in 1969 was a fraudulent exercise carried out under extreme duress.
It said there is evidence West Papuans are experiencing slow genocide due to ongoing human rights abuses and the harmful conditions of life experienced by so many Papuans.
Source: Radio New Zealand
Vanuatu Daily Post – Since her appointment as the Special Envoy on Decolonization of West Papua to the Pacific Island States, Lora Lini spoke exclusively to the Daily Post about how she sees her role and the importance of the position entrusted upon her by the Vanuatu Government.
But first, she says that it is the present government who recognizes the importance of taking the West Papua issue further and to a higher level via a United Nations Resolution for West Papua.
Ms Lini says past governments and civil society organizations of Vanuatu have maintained the country’s stand for the West Papua since Vanuatu’s independence in 1980. But the issue of West Papua has reached another level and the present government also recognizes the struggle of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and other organizations that support and work together with the Movement for the cause of West Papua self- determination.
The draft Resolution has now been presented to all Forum members.
Ms Lini is optimistic and says although Australia, Papua New Guinea and Fiji, may have indicated not to support the Resolution on West Papua which Vanuatu intends to push through to the UN Committee of 24 on Decolonization, Vanuatu will continue to lobby for support from all member states of the Pacific Islands Forum including Australia, Papua New Guinea, and Fiji.
Ms Lini confirmed that Vanuatu will raise the issue of West Papua and lobby support from the Pacific Leaders at the upcoming Leaders Summit in Nauru in early September 2018.
She said one thing is clear during her previous stint at the Pacific Islands Forum meetings in Samoa is that most members share the sentiments that raw colonialism has no place in Melanesia or in the Pacific. The issue of West Papua is like climate change issues they seem to come in all different forms but the root is still colonialism just in other forms and but Pacific Island States are no longer blind,” says Ms Lini.
“If Vanuatu as a Melanesian country who we share the same ethnicity with our brothers and sisters of West Papua but does not speak for West Papua? Then who will?” She said there is no way around this issue — the only way is to re-present the issue at the United Nations.
“We must not turn a blind eye on West Papua — this issue has been around longer than we have struggled for our own independence and we, like other Melanesians and Pacific Islander are the only people that can truly speak for West Papua not because we have policies or conventions that obliges us to do as Governments but because we know that as Melanesians or Pacific Islanders it is our duty to speak for them and it is the right thing to do because they are unable to do so in such international forums, says Ms Lini.
She said although Vanuatu is seen as a small nation but over 38 years now since Independence Vanuatu has over the years established bilateral relations with many countries and gained many friends small states as well as super powers.
Ms Lini says if it is the will of the Government and the people of Vanuatu and the Almighty God to set free West Papua — then let thy will be done. She is not new to the issue of West Papua. She is a founding member of the Vanuatu Free West Papua Association Of Vanuatu.
She has also previously worked at the Melanesian Spearhead Group Secretariat in Port Vila and is well versed over the outstanding work for West Papua at the level of Melanesia as a sub-regional Organisation that was founded in the core issues of Decolonisation in the region of Melanesia. She is adamant that MSG is still obliged to the issue of West Papua as agreed by the Leaders meeting and the MSG is a key region that she will visit to rally support.
“This is our own backyard and we must be the first to unite on this issue,” says Ms Lini. She also served at the Communications and Public Affairs Division at the Commonwealth Secretariat in London in the United Kingdom and is a journalist by profession.
Oleh Catherine Wilson*
Ketika kita berbicara tentang ‘dekolonisasi’, kenangan yang muncul dalam benak kita adalah era tahun 1950-an dan lahirnya negara-negara baru, khususnya di Afrika, ketika kolonialisme Eropa tunduk pada seruan emansipasi yang merupakan ciri khas tatanan dunia baru pasca-1945.
Percakapan kontemporer di kalangan masyarakat Kaledonia Baru mengungkapkan bagaimana visi mereka tentang masa depan pasca-kolonial negara itu di era modern, yang dibentuk di dunia yang sangat mengglobal. Pada bulan November, rakyat di wilayah seberang laut Prancis ini akan memberikan suara dalam referendum kedua mereka terkait kemerdekaan.
Berbeda dengan ketegangan dan kerusuhan yang menyelimuti referendum pertama pada tahun 1987, pada tahun 2018 terbukti bahwa masyarakat lebih hati-hati dalam menimbang konsekuensi yang dapat timbul akibat perubahan politik. Rakyat Kaledonia Baru bukan hanya berbicara tentang berbagai keprihatinan terkait keadilan secara historis dan hak-hak adat, namun juga kekuatan-kekuatan global yang menghasilkan ketidakpastian ekonomi dan meningkatkan kerentanan wilayah kecil itu terhadap permainan kekuatan geopolitik di kawasan Asia-Pasifik.
Penentuan nasib sendiri, termasuk separatisme, masih menjadi aspirasi banyak orang dari blok gerakan pro-kemerdekaan. Namun ada berbagai interpretasi dari masa depan yang ‘independen’.
Pada tanggal 4 Mei, sehari setelah kedatangan Presiden Prancis, Emmanuel Macron, dalam kunjungan resmi pertamanya ke Kaledonia Baru, sekitar 4.000 massa berkumpul di pusat kota Noumea untuk berunjuk rasa, ‘March for France’. Kelompok massa itu bergerak, lautan warna merah, putih, dan biru, melewati kompleks apartemen mewah dan kapal-kapal yacht di Teluk Moselle.
Sebagian demonstran hanya menyuarakan kebanggaan mereka atas identitas Prancis, sementara yang lainnya memiliki alasan tersendiri untuk menginginkan Prancis agar ‘tetap tinggal’. Rakyat dengan latar belakang Eropa mendominasi massa tersebut, tetapi demonstrasi itu mengumpulkan pendukung dari beragam latar belakang.
Manuela, seorang perempuan muda yang berpartisipasi dalam kegiatan tersebut mengatakan, “Prancis itu seperti pelindung Kaledonia Baru. Jika Prancis tidak ada di sini, kita hanya akan menjadi pulau kecil yang dikelilingi oleh negara-negara yang sangat besar, seperti Tiongkok.”
Generasi muda juga cenderung mempertimbangkan masa depan ekonomi mereka dari kacamata regional. Kaledonia Baru adalah negara yang kaya akan cadangan nikel, tetapi pembiayaan Pemerintah Prancis yang signifikan atas sektor publik wilayah itu, mencapai sekitar $ 1,5 Miliar AS per tahunnya, dilihat sebagai jaminan adanya stabilitas ekonomi di tengah-tengah pasar global yang berfluktuasi.
Guylene, seorang perempuan asal Kanak, berusia 18 tahun, dari Kepulauan Loyalty yang sedang belajar hukum, menjelaskan, “Kaledonia Baru adalah negara yang memiliki sejarah sulit. Menurut saya kemerdekaan itu penting, tetapi ada juga masalah ekonomi. Prancis menyediakan banyak pembiayaan (untuk Kaledonia Baru).”
Di sisi lain, Guylene menyarankan bahwa meningkatkan kemandirian secara ekonomi dapat dicapai dengan mengembangkan industri pariwisata dan kehutanan dalam negeri.
Tetapi tidak ada keraguan tebersit ketika percakapan kita menyinggung masalah ketidaksetaraan. Guylene mengungkapkan:
“Masih ada begitu banyak ketidaksetaraan berdasarkan etnis di dalam masyarakat.”
Ini adalah pandangan yang selaras dengan Romain Hmeun, kepala stasiun radio pribumi setempat, Radio Djiido, yang berlokasi di Nouméa. Dari studionya ini, dia terus mempertahankan kehadirannya dalam masyarakat dan sorot mata tajam di bawah gumpalan rambut gimbalnya.
Romain mengakui bahwa kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah yang diperkenalkan setelah Persetujuan Matignon 1998 dan Perjanjian Nouméa 1998 telah membawa dampak positif, misalnya, meningkatkan sarana infrastruktur dan layanan pendidikan di daerah-daerah terpencil. Namun, Romain juga menyoroti prevalensi masyarakatnya yang tinggi dalam mendapat pekerjaan-pekerjaan bergaji rendah, dan menyebutkan tanda-tanda aspirasi penuh frustrasi di antara mereka yang paling dirampok hak-haknya.
“Konteksnya sudah berubah. Pada saat yang sama, kaum muda pribumi Kanaks yang haus akan kebebasan, keadilan, dan kesetaraan, masih hidup dengan ketidaksetaraan dari masa lalu. Generasi muda Kanak, sekarang ini, memiliki lebih banyak akses kepada informasi, mungkin juga akses kepada pendidikan dan pelatihan, tetapi, pada akhirnya, mereka menganggap diri mereka masih terpinggirkan dalam banyak aspek kehidupan negara ini,” ujarnya.
Meskipun akses terhadap pendidikan telah meningkat dalam 20 tahun terakhir, angka pengangguran generasi muda Kanak kini duduk di persentase yang mengkhawatirkan: 38 persen.
Semua warga Kaledonia Baru adalah warga negara Prancis, namun Romain masih juga menggambarkan orang Kanaks sebagai ‘bangsa terjajah’. Dekolonisasi itu sangat penting untuk mengatasi persoalan keadilan sosial, katanya, mendasarkan pendapatnya dari visi filosofis mengenai takdir bersama, ‘common destiny’, seperti yang diuraikan dalam Perjanjian Nouméa, dan bukan dari kerangka kerja politik tertentu.
“Common destiny adalah keinginan para politisi yang dideklarasikan untuk membangun masyarakat di mana tidak ada ketidaksetaraan, di mana setiap warga negara memiliki kesempatan yang setara untuk menemukan pekerjaan, untuk membangun kehidupan dan tidak ada lagi dominan dan yang didominasi.”
Meskipun ada isu ketidakadilan yang jelas, ambivalensi tentang referendum seringkali ditemukan di antara generasi muda yang tinggal di area permukiman liar di pinggiran kota Nouméa.
Nouvelle, rumah bagi sekitar 300 jiwa, berjarak cukup dekat dari pusat kota yang umumnya disemarakkan dengan berbagai butik dan kafe menyajikan kopi dan croissant. Bendera Kanak yang khas berkibar dari sebuah tiang di gerbang masuk komunitas tersebut.
Orang-orang di sini hidup tanpa air bersih dan sanitasi yang layak dan hanya bisa menggunakan listrik jika mereka mampu membeli generator.
Joannes, penduduk setempat berusia 35 tahun, menerangkan, “Saya tidak akan memilih dalam referendum nanti karena semua partai politik disini korup. Kita memiliki orang-orang dalam dunia politik di sini yang sudah bekerja untuk 5, 10, 15 tahun, dan sampai sekarang masih belum ada perubahan.”
Bahkan, aktivis veteran pun bergulat dengan prinsip-prinsip yang mereka perjuangkan dan realitas demografi dan politik yang telah bergeser sejak tahun 1980-an, menyebabkan Kanak menjadi kelompok minoritas di negara mereka sendiri.
Edouard Katrawa, seorang anggota kelompok pribumi pro-kemerdekaan Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS), mengenang kejadian tragis di Pulau Ouvéa Mei 1988, saat terjadi konflik berdarah antara kelompok separatis pribumi dan pasukan Prancis.
Dia mengingat, “Dengan kunjungan Presiden Macron, Prancis menunjukkan bahwa mereka menyesali kejadian itu. Bagi kami, mungkin kami bisa memaafkan. Mungkin mengutarakan kata maaf, tetapi kita tidak akan lupa.”
Katrawa menggambarkan ‘dekolonisasi’ dalam hal hubungan antara Prancis dan Kaledonia Baru yang dikonfigurasikan kembali, bukan langsung memisahkan diri.
“Kita memiliki masa lalu dan sejarah bersama, dan kami percaya pada masa depan bersama (tapi) saya berharap, setelah referendum, hubungan antara kita berdasarkan kebebasan, kesetaraan, dan kerja sama.”
Namun, Victor Tutugoro, yang juga berasal dari kelompok pro-kemerdekaan di jantung Provinsi Utara dan merupakan Presiden dari Melanesian Progressive Union, menolak pemikiran bahwa pemilih pribumi akan menanggalkan tuntutan mereka untuk mendapatkan kedaulatan penuh. Dia memuji peran pemimpin Kanak yang telah mendorong reformasi dalam pemerataan pembangunan.
Bentuk kedaulatan seperti apa yang akan muncul di masa depan Kaledonia Baru masih belum pasti.(*)
*Catherine Wilson adalah wartawan lepas dan koresponden mengenai Papua Nugini dan wilayah Kepulauan Pasifik. (The Interpreter – Lowy Institute 10/7/2018)
Within a few years, the Pacific Islands region will likely become home to the newest states in the world. Each of these nations is emerging from a complex history of colonization and civil unrest, and the creation of new states in the region has significant political, social, and economic ramifications for the Asia-Pacific as a whole.
First up is the French overseas territory of New Caledonia, which must hold an independence referendum before the end of 2018. Following violent clashes in the 1980s between the indigenous Kanaks and the pro-French European settlers, the UN listed New Caledonia as a non-self-governing territory in 1986, effectively placing the territory on its “decolonization list.” After further killings, hostage crises, and assassinations in the 1990s, the French government signed the Noumea Accord in 1998, mandating that a vote on independence was to take place before 2019.
The outcome of the upcoming referendum is difficult to predict, and is causing heated debate in a nation that is already intensely polarized. Changes in 2015 to the electoral eligibility laws prescribed that only the indigenous population and persons who were already enrolled to vote in 1998 would be automatically eligible to vote in the referendum, causing protests among pro-French groups. The latest census results reveal that within a population of 260,000, 39 percent are indigenous Kanaks, whilst 27 percent are European. The remaining 34 percent comprises “mixed race” persons, migrants from other Pacific islands, and a handful of Asian minorities.
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As the referendum approaches, pro-independence activists have some hard work ahead of them in order to broaden their appeal beyond the Kanak bloc and gain the majority vote necessary for independence. Little more can be said at this stage while the New Caledonia Congress continues to debate the question of electoral eligibility, but it seems likely that the results will be close.
The Autonomous Region of Bougainville, currently a province of Papua New Guinea, will follow suit with a referendum in 2019. The decision to stage a referendum came out of the Bougainville Peace Agreement in 2001, following a long and bloody civil war from 1988-1998. The conflict was fought between Bougainvillean revolutionary forces and the Papua New Guinean military — assisted by the infamous private mercenary company Sandline International — and the ten years of fighting left as many as 20,000 dead.
Longstanding feelings of alienation toward Papua New Guinea among Bougainville’s estimated population of 250,000 suggests that a strong vote in favor of independence is the most likely outcome of the 2019 vote, meaning that Bougainville could become the world’s next new country.
In appreciating the necessity to establish diplomatic relations with what may well become the newest fragile state on Australia’s doorstep, Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop announced that Canberra would be setting up a diplomatic post on Bougainville in May 2015. The government of Papua New Guinea responded by banning Australians from travelling there, with PNG Foreign Minister Rimbink Pato denouncing the plans as “outrageous.”
Despite the overwhelming support for independence among Bougainvilleans, Papua New Guinea’s frosty attitude toward the question of independence intimates that secession is not entirely guaranteed. Part of the peace agreement was that the PNG Parliament would have “final decision making authority” over the referendum results, meaning that Bougainville’s independence will theoretically require parliamentary consent. It is unclear how this will play out in 2019, and it is also unclear how the UN, regional leaders, and Bougainvilleans themselves would respond if Papua New Guinea refused to ratify a vote for independence.
The Pacific also holds a number of more long-term candidates for statehood. One of the key areas to watch over the next decade is French Polynesia, an island collectivity in the South Pacific that the UN* re-classified as a non-self-governing territory in 2013. As such, the French government was called upon by the UN General Assembly to take rapid steps toward effecting “a fair and effective self-determination process” in French Polynesia, a major win for the indigenous Maohi nationalists.
Similarly to New Caledonia, the French Polynesian parliament is split between the pro- and anti-independence political parties, and these sentiments broadly divide the population into the indigenous and European camps. The political situation is further complicated by the intertwining of the independence movement with the campaign for recognition and compensation from the French government for the 193** nuclear tests carried out in French Polynesia between 1960-1996, with anger and momentum in the latter movement fueling the independence campaign.
While a referendum is some way off in French Polynesia, the events in New Caledonia over the next few years are likely to provide significant impetus for the decolonization process. Aside from New Caledonia and French Polynesia, France has another overseas territory in the form of the islands of Wallis and Futuna. Whilst the islands’ indigenous populations have traditionally been strongly pro-French, Futuna chiefs recently hinted at a potential push for independence in the midst of concerns over French mineral exploitation.
The Pacific Islands of the future seem set for some radical changes. Some of the biggest questions will be those surrounding governance capacity, fiscal independence, and resource management. New Caledonia, home to 25 percent of the world’s nickel reserves, can be expected to undertake a dramatic renegotiation of its mining arrangements upon independence, while the fate of the Panguna copper mine in Bougainville — estimated at a value of $37 billion and an infamous flashpoint for bloody clashes and indigenous exploitation during the 1990s — remains at an impasse.
Sorely neglected within the field of IR analysis, the Pacific Islands region may yet emerge as as one of the geopolitical hotspots of the 21st century. With a number of other independence movements growing across the Pacific — including the Chilean territory of Rapa Nui (Easter Island), Chuuk State in the Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji’s Rotuma islands, Banaba Island in Kiribati, New Zealand’s Cook Islands, Australia’s Norfolk Island, and the Indonesian territories of West Papua, Aceh, Maluku, and Kalimantan, to name a just a few — it’s high time that we paid some attention to our Pacific neighbors.
*An earlier version of this article said that France had re-classified French Polynesia as a non-self governing territory.
**An earlier version of this article said that there had been 196 nuclear tests in French Polynesia.
Sally Andrews is a New Colombo Plan Scholar and the 2015-2016 New Colombo Plan Indonesia Fellow. She is a Director of the West Papuan Development Company and the 2016 Indo-Pacific Fellow for Young Australians in International Affairs.
This article was first published on the Young Australians in International Affairs blog. This article can be republished with attribution under a Creative Commons Licence.
Group releases proposals for what post-referendum independence would look like
WELLINGTON, New Zealand (Radio New Zealand International, Aug. 3, 2017) – New Caledonia’s pro-independence FLNKS movement has proposed making its flag the official flag of the country should the French colony choose independence.
As a referendum is due next year, the FLNKS has tabled a discussion document on how an independent state could be shaped.
It wants to create a multi-cultural and democratic nation, which would have as citizens all the people who are inscribed on the restricted rolls for the referendum and the territorial election.
The FLNKS is proposing to rename the putative republic Kanaky-Nouvelle Caledonie, to redefine the Congress as parliament and to set up an electoral college to choose a president.
The plan is to set up armed forces that tie into the security system of France and its Pacific neighbours.
It would provide for a merger of the currently different types of police forces.
The proposal is to be put out for discussion among its supporters and to be then reviewed by the leadership at the end of the month.
Since 2010, both the FLNKS and the French flags are being flown on public buildings.
A dispute over which flag should be flown triggered a political crisis in 2011, prompting the government to fall three times in four weeks.
It also prompted France to change the electoral law and granting any new government an 18-month grace period.
Radio New Zealand International
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